Hi,
in der Wiki kannste die Zitate von Hans-Joachim Härtels und Roland Schönfelds
Bulgarien Buch durchaus glauben, denn die sind wohl seriös, nach meiner bescheidenen Meinung nach. Es kann natürlich sein, dass daraus zitiert wird, ohne den zweiten Satz mitzuzitieren, indem die Autoren z.B. anmerken könnten, dass die Schätzungen der Zahlen der damaligen Beobachter zu hoch ausfielen, oder was auch immer. Kann ich nicht beurteilen.
Was ich aber beurteilen kann, ist dass der User
Vammpi in der Wikpedia offensichtlich ein Nationalist ist, und solange wütet, bis andere Wikipedianer keine Lust mehr haben. Somit drückt er z.B. die These der iranischen Abstammung der Protobulgaren durch, in einer Formulierung, dass der normale Leser denken könnte, diese Spekulation spiele eine ernsthafte Rolle in der Wissenschaft von heute. Und viele andere Edits von ihm gehen in die arg nationalistische Richtung, die auf einem Auge mehr als blind ist. Deshalb ist die Wiki beim Thema Bulgarien so stark manipulativ. Solche User gibt es übrigens auch bei den türk. Artikeln, aber da passen anscheinend noch mehr Leute auf, da sich scheinbar mehr Leute für die Türkei betreffende Artikel interessieren, als für Bulgarien betreffende. Das bedeutet natürlich nicht, dass wenn gerade du etwas nachschlägst, nicht gerade 5 Minuten vorher ein Nationalist was eingefügt hat, und du es nicht bemerkst, und die Wikigemeinschaft es noch nicht korrigierte. Bei einem Artikel zu den Nazis ist solch ein Edit in 2 Minuten wieder korrigiert. Bei türk.-bulg.-arab.-alban.-serb.-iran.-kurd.- Artikeln kann es 2 Tage oder 2 Montate oder nie passieren.
Also sei höchst vorsichtig bei Wiki.
Egal, zurück zum Thema:
mir scheint es, dass in deiner Liste oben immer wenn Habsburg, oder andere Krieg gegen das OR geführt haben, es zu einem "Aufstand" kam? "Aufstand" gegen das Osmanische Reich, oder gegen einfallende und rumhurende katholische Habsburger, katholische Venezianer, usw. ?
Keine Ahnung... Nein im Ernst, ich zitiere erstmal was allgemeineres, vielleicht komme ich dann noch zu einzelnen Daten. Du meintest ja, du kannst englisch, also los.
Ich zitiere mal aus diesem Forums-Literaturtipp der Woche:
Amazon.de: The Ottoman Empire, 1700-1922 (New Approaches to European History): Donald Quataert: English Books
einiges, ohne es all zu sehr zu kürzen (Übrigens ein Buch, welches in jeder universitären Auflistung an Standardwerken enthalten ist):
S. 176 ff.:
"Introduction
Nationalism – a highly sensitive and difficult subject at the root of shifting understandings of identity – forms an important focus of attention in the present chapter. In its essence, nationalism speaks of one dominant nationality; for example, the Turkish republic is said to rest on a Turkish identity. Yet the Ottoman Empire for much of its history brought together multiple and different ethnic and religious groups. At times their interaction was co-operative and harmonious; but under the pressures of “modern nationalism” those ethnic and religious relations deteriorated into hostilities and worse, massacres, that remain a difficult subject in memory and national accounting. This issue is particularly acute in the interactions among, for example, modern-dayTurks, Armenians, Greeks, and Kurds, as well as Palestinians and Israelis.
Inter-communal relations: an overview
The subject of historical intergroup relations in the Ottoman Empire looms large because of the many conflicts that currently plague the lands it once occupied. Recall, for example, the Palestinian–Israeli struggle, the Kurdish issue, the Armenian question, as well as the horrific events that have befallen Bosnia and Kossovo. All rage in lands once Ottoman. What then, is the connection between these struggles of today and the inter-communal experiences of the Ottoman past?
Let me begin with the assertion that there was nothing inevitable about these conflicts – all were historically conditioned, that is, produced by quite particular circumstances that evolved in a certain but not unavoidable manner. Other outcomes historically were possible but did not happen because of the way in which events unfolded. Nor, it is important to repeat, are these struggles ancient ones reflecting millennia-old hatreds. Rather, each can be explained with reference to the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, through the unfolding of specific events rather than inherent animosities of an alleged racial or ethnic nature. But because these contemporary struggles loom so large and because we assume that present-day hostilities have ancient and general rather than recent and specific causes, our understanding of the Ottoman inter-communal record has been profoundly obscured.
Despite all stereotypes and preconceptions to the contrary, inter-Ottoman group relations during most of Ottoman history were rather good relative to the standards of the age. For many centuries, persons who were of minority status enjoyed fuller rights and more legal protections in the Ottoman lands than, for example, minorities in the realm of the French king or of the Habsburg emperor. It is also true that Ottoman inter-communal relations worsened in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
[Gründe für die Verschlechterung der Beziehungen unter der Bevölkerung]:
In large part, this chapter argues, the deterioration derives directly from the explosive mixture of Western capital, Great Power interference in internal Ottoman affairs, and the transitional nature of an Ottoman polity struggling to establish broader political rights. Such an assessment does not aim to idealize the Ottoman record of inter-communal relations, which was hardly unblemished. Neither does it seek to explain away the major injustices and atrocities inflicted on Ottoman subjects by the state or other subjects.
The goal is to replace the stereotypes that too long have prevailed regarding relations among the religious and ethnic Ottoman communities. One’s religion – as Muslim, Christian, or Jew – was an important means of differentiation in the Ottoman world. Indeed,
ethnic terms confusingly often described what actuallywere
religious differences. In the Balkan and Anatolian lands, Ottoman Christians informally spoke of “Turks” when in fact they meant Muslims. “Turk” was a kind of shorthand for referring to Muslims of every sort, whether Kurds, Turks, or Albanians (but not Arabs). Today’s Bosnian Muslims are called Turks by the Serbian Christians even though they actually share a common Slavic ethnicity with these Christians. In the Arab world, Muslim Arabs used “Turk” when sometimes they meant Albanian or Circassian Muslim, one who had come from outside the region.
Stereotypes present distorted and inaccurate pictures of Ottoman subjects living in sharply divided, mutually impenetrable, religious communities called millets that date back to the fifteenth century. In this
incorrect view, each community lived apart, in isolation from one another, adjacent but separate. And supposedly implacable hatreds prevailed:
Muslims hated Christians who hated Jews who hated Christians who hated Muslims. Recent scholarship shows this view to be fundamentally wrong on almost every score. To begin with, the term millet as a designator for Ottoman non-Muslims is not ancient but dates from the reign of Sultan Mahmut II, in the early nineteenth century. Before then, millet in fact meant Muslims within the empire and Christians outside it.
Let us continue this exploration of inter-communal relations and look at
two different versions of the past, taken from Ottoman
Bulgaria during the 1700–1922 era. In the first version, we hear the voices of Father Paissiy (1722–1773) and S. Vrachanski (1739–1813) calling their Ottoman overlords “ferocious and savage infidels,” “Ishmaelites,” “sons of infidels,” “wild beasts,” and “loathsome barbarians.” Somewhat later, another Bulgarian Christian writer Khristo Botev (1848–1876) wrote of the Ottoman administration in a similar vein:
"
And the tyrant rages
and ravages our native home:
impales, hangs, flogs, curses
and fines the people thus enslaved."
In the first quotation are the words of Bulgarian émigré intelligentsia who were seeking to promote a separate Bulgarian nation state and break from Ottoman rule.1 To justify this separation, they
invented a new past in which the Ottomans had abruptly ended the Bulgarian cultural renaissance of the medieval era, destroying its ties to the West and preventing Bulgaria from participating in and contributing to western civilization.
And yet, hear two other Bulgarian Christian voices speaking distinctly differently about Bulgarian Muslims, the first during the period just before formal independence in 1908 and the other a few years later:
"
Turks and Bulgarians lived together and were good neighbors. On holidays they exchanged pleasantries. We sent the Turks kozunak and red eggs at Easter, and they sent us baklava at Bayram. And on these occasions we visited each other."2
"
In Khaskovo, our neighbors were Turks. They were good neighbors. They got on well together. They even had a little gate between their gardens. Both my parents knew Turkish well. My father was away fighting [during the Balkan Wars]. My mother was alone with four children. And the neighbors said: “You’re not going anywhere. You’ll stay with us . . . ” So Mama stayed with the Turks . . . What I’m trying to tell you is that we lived well with these people."3
Thus, as the various quotations demonstrate, some Bulgarian Christian writers emphasize the differences between “Bulgarians” and “Turks” while others stress the everyday, friendly relations existing between two sets of neighbors.
Concepts of the “other”, that characterize the first set of quotations, abound in history. The ancient Greeks divided the world into that of civilized Greeks and of barbarian others. Barbarians could be brave and courageous but they did not possess civilization. For Jews, there are the goyim – the non-Jew, the other – whose lack of certain characteristics keeps them outside the chosen, Jewish, community. For Muslims, the notion of the dhimmi is another way of talking about difference. In this case, Muslims regard Christians and Jews as “the People of the Book” (dhimmi ), who received God’s revelation before Muhammad and therefore obtained only an incomplete message. Thus, dhimmi have religion, civilization, and God’s words. But since they received only part of that message, they are inherently different from and inferior to Muslims.
[...]
Further, for many centuries military service primarily was carried out as a Muslim duty, although there always were some non-Muslims in the military service, such as Christian Greeks serving as sailors in the navy during the 1840s. Yet, in a real sense, the military obligation had become a Muslim one. Even when an 1856 law required Ottoman Christian military service, the purchase of exemption quickly became institutionalized as a special tax. A 1909 law ended this loophole but in response hundreds of thousands of Ottoman Christians fled the empire rather than serve. Thus, subjects understood that Muslims needed to fight but non-Muslims did not.
A variety of mechanisms maintained difference and distinction. Clothing laws, as seen earlier, distinguished among the various religious communities, delineating the religious allegiance of passersby. They reassured maintenance of the differences not simply as instruments of discipline but also as useful markers of community boundaries, immediately identifying outsiders and insiders. Apparel gave a sense of group identity to members of a specific community.
Until the nineteenth century, the legal system was predicated on religious
distinctions. Each religious community maintained its own courts,
judges, and legal principles for the use of coreligionists. [...]
[ZUSAMMENFASSUNG:]
So, how equal were Ottoman subjects and how well were non-Muslims treated? Quite arbitrarily, I offer the testimony of the Jewish community of Ottoman Salonica, as recorded in the “Annual Report of the Jews of Turkey” of the Bulletin de l’Alliance Isra´elite Universelle in 1893. French Jews had founded the Alliance Isra´elite Universelle in 1860 to work for Jewish emancipation and combat discrimination all over the world. The organization placed great stress on schools and education as a liberating device, establishing its first Ottoman school in 1867 and within a few decades, some fifty more. It published a journal, the Bulletin, in Paris, to which Jewish communities from all over theworld sent letters reporting on local conditions. Here then is the statement which the Jewish community of Salonica sent to the Bulletin in 1893:
There are but few countries, even among those which are considered the most enlightened and the most civilized, where Jews enjoy a more complete equality than in Turkey [the Ottoman Empire]. H. M. the sultan and the government of the Porte display towards Jews a spirit of largest toleration and liberalism.4
To place these words in context, we need to consider several points. First, the authors of the statement were quite aware that the treatment of Jews in many parts of Europe was atrociously bad and, by comparison, Ottoman Jews truly were better off. Second, the statement possibly can be read at face value since it was not prepared for circulation within the empire (but, nonetheless, the authors could surmise their views would become known to the Ottoman state). And third, Ottoman Jewish–Muslim relations were better than Muslim–Christian (or Jewish–Christian) relations.
Even after all these reservations are taken into account and although this statement explicitly is about only Ottoman Jews,
it likely also represents the sentiments of large numbers of Ottoman Christian subjects as well during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
Fußnoten:
1 The quotations provided from the oral interviews conducted in Bulgaria by Barbara Reeves-Ellington.
2 Interview with Simeon Radev, 1879–1967, describing his childhood before 1900, provided by Barbara Reeves-Ellington.
3 Interview with Iveta Gospodarova, personal narrative, Sofia, January 19, 1995, provided by Barbara Reeves-Ellington."